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Mozambique: the Rise of a Micro Dual State | Maria Paula Meneses -

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E-mail: [email protected] to foreign impositions, the regional cultural and religious influences, some of them dating back to Capela, J., , O Tráfico de Escravos nos Portos de Moçambique, , Porto: Afrontamento. São Luís - MA - Brasil. [email protected] .. The first reliable information about the Dutch in the Brazilian Amazon dates from the second half of .. Tráfico negreiro para o Estado do Maranhão e Pará (século XVII e inicio do século XVIII) ". Panels by Date/Panels par date/Painéis por data. Round Tables/Tables Term / Do tráfico de escravos ao trabalho forçado: a história de. Angola na longa duração [email protected] P Abe Gaëlle.

Hence, in relation to the literature on the Amazonian region, this article looks to deepen our analysis of the reorganizations that the epidemics caused especially in terms of labour supply. However, according to the Council's report, they complained that "as well as many others who have died in recent years, in this year 82 people, adult and child, died from smallpox. Significantly, in the years after the s, and especially the s, there was an upsurge in petitions similar to those of the missionaries, made by colonists asking the Crown for permission to capture Indians from the hinterlands.

Hence it is no coincidence that from the end of the s onward various colonists asked the Crown to authorize the capture of Indians, a procedure that had been seldom used, despite being in force since the mids.

This legal device was increasingly used to compensate for the labour shortage during a period of intense scarcity of indigenous workers due to the epidemics. The possibility of recruiting workforces through private capture expeditions becomes clearer during the smallpox outbreak ofwhen the number of colonists who ended up requesting authorization for slave raids increased noticeably.

Although during this period the practice represented a solution to the labour shortage, it was difficult to implement if the legal stipulations were followed.

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To illustrate this problem, the governor declared that in the year he assumed officethey had been granted thirty charters allowing the capture of Indians. However only one had been undertaken by the time he wrote the letter, a case where the colonist concerned lived close to the village settlement Gama, 22 set. On the 13th of April the following year a royal letter sought to alleviate the problems engendered by the private slave raids.

To solve the labour shortage, bearing in mind the representation made by the attorney of the Indians concerning the disregard for the law on conducting slave capture expeditions and the sharing out of the Indians, the letter ordered that the expeditions should only be carried out by public authorities and "on no account by private persons. This question had been discussed in a meeting of the Council in which it was decided that the colonists who needed the Indians should send a request to the Council, which would assess the merit of the request based on the colonist's needs.

Consequently in a considerable number of charters for captures were granted we found 17 concessions with the aim of solving the labour shortage problem, based on the idea that the Indians privately captured could now, according to the understanding of the royal letter by the Portuguese, be distributed directly to the colonists. It should be emphasized that all these charters contained the justification that the colonists had no Indians because many of their slaves had died in the 'general contagion' and that to assist the work of the colonists and the Royal Treasury itself - due to the increase in income that would be achieved through the tithes paid on production - the petition should be granted to remedy this situation.

In the two decades of the s and s in which non-human forces exacerbated the shortage of indigenous workers for the colonists and missionaries, we can observe the use of the indigenous capture policy produced through the articulation of mechanisms that granted powers to the colonists, like the Council of Missions.

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Consequently we can note how socioeconomic questions shaped by the interests of the Crown and especially the colonists led to the redrafting of policies in response to an extreme labour crisis at a time when smallpox was devastating the colonists and the indigenous populations, as well as heavily reducing the royal income. Dauril Aldenp. We need to investigate, therefore, the extent to which smallpox and measles influenced another important alteration in relation to indigenous labour, namely the Pombaline reforms allowing the unrestricted freedom of the Indians and ending the secular administration of the villages of free Indians by regular clergy, both in It was natural, then, that during periods of crisis, the colonists turned to the traffic in African slaves as a solution to the lack of indigenous workers.

The councillors indeed complained that over the previous four years few slaves had come from the hinterland, "which has reduced the production of sugar and other farm crops. In the meeting in which it warned about the magnitude of the devastation wrought, the Overseas Council itself 26 nov.

A few days later, the king replied to the governor that, owing to the deaths caused by the smallpox epidemic, he had decided to assist "thereby with a provision of Negros as well as some infantry support" Para o mesmo In a request written in orVaz Vieira, complaining of the deaths of his 'worker slaves' and observing that "some ships carrying slaves customarily arrive at the port from the Guinea coast," requested that they sell him "twenty of the said slaves for a fair price" so that his mills could be kept running Vieira, c.

For the governor 13 ago. At least there is no record of ships during these years Silva, ; Barbosa, The Overseas Council 18 jan. At the end of the smallpox epidemic once more led the Overseas Council to recommend that the king dispatch soldiers recruited in the Madeira Islands.

In Septemberthe Overseas Council informed the king that the ship had arrived in March in the Madeira Islands and that the governor had undertaken everything with "such singular diligence" Sobre Sua Maj. Unfortunately the only information known about these soldiers is the number sent and not how many actually arrived, nor their fate. Composed of convicts, Indians, mestizos and Africans living in poor conditions, the state's troops were clearly highly susceptible to the transmission of diseases, particularly given their living conditions, whose impact became evident when it was believed that the borders were under the most serious threat, the case of the s.

Final considerations The outbreaks of smallpox and measles examined here led to a multifaceted response on the part of the Crown, the authorities, colonists and the Indians themselves - many of whom simply fled from the contagion, as we have seen. The impact of the epidemics can be seen from two perspectives. On one hand, the need to consider the dissemination of the diseases in order to understand the transformation of the labour sphere in colonial Amazonia.

These 'fundamental forces,' not derived from humans, which authors like Donald Worsterp. It can be observed that one solution did not exclude the other. This means reconsidering the idea of the arrival of Africans as a 'substitution' of native labourers, though this does not mean that Indians and Africans were not seen in very different ways by the Portuguese.

On the other hand, we need to call attention to the demographic impacts of the diseases and, in the case of the s, to their ambiguity. Although, as observed, it is difficult to measure the human losses with any accuracy - except for the epidemics at the end of the s - the outbreaks of diseases represented an irremediable demographic collapse, especially in the native populations, and continued to assail the region throughout the entire colonial period Chermont, ; Vianna,p.

'Formidable contagion': epidemics, work and recruitment in Colonial Amazonia ()

Something that becomes evident in the examined accounts is the idea of devastation, undoubtedly aggravated by the type of society constructed in the region, based on the slave and compulsory labour of indigenous people many of them settled in village communities, also structured for the purpose of organizing labour and to a lesser extent of Africans. A game warden came across a young man who happened to trafico negreiro yahoo dating duck hunting.

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A circus performer was pulled over by a police officer for speeding. Various men took part In this military action who had already circulated through other places in the empire, including Castilians see Table 1. Since it was a frontier situation, the region would feel the changes that occurred in the Portuguese universe during the Habsburg period. As is well known the so-called Iberian Union occurred after the dynastic crisis that began with the death of the king of Portugal, D.

Enrique and, on the other hand, the aggressive claim to the throne made by the Spanish king, Filipe IIwell backed by his army under the command of the Duke of Albathe greatest 'union of thrones' of modern history began. For sixty years Portugal and Spain gave a new meaning to the Catholic Monarchy, controlling, in addition to their European possessions, large overseas areas in the Americas, Africa and Asia. - Registered at

In the first two decades of the seventeenth century the central aim of the Hispano-Luso bureaucracy was to assure the possession of immense overseas regions in the different parts of the known world, constantly threatened by oceanic competitors: France, England and especially Holland. The creation of these new units was thus part of a wider policy carried out principally in the reign of Felipe III It is not by chance that in the direct aftermath of Decemberthe beginning of the Portuguese 'rebellion' against Castile, there already existed the fear of a counter-coup on the part of the Castilianized Portuguese, fearful of the heavy losses which could result from a radical change in government.

This scenario was made even more complex by the Philippine strategy of making the Portuguese nobility circulate among different parts of the empire.

In the last decades of the sixteenth century this territory was almost always identified as a transition zone, it was not even a formal part of the state of Brazil, nor of the Indies of Castile. This was considered the natural frontier of Brazil.

Almost all of this region was located to the west of the Tordesilhas meridian, a boundary which began to be openly ignored. This enormous region was divided into two Royal Captaincies: On the other hand, for some time part of the specialized historiography has agreed that this period signified for Brazil an increase in the bureaucratic complex, the reinforcement of the military hierarchy, and an increase in the construction of forts.

These projects had sufficient potential to compete with the Hispano-Luso initiatives. The authorities of the Iberian Peninsula knew of these 'plans' through various documents that informed of military advances, oceanic commerce and attempts to implement small fortresses and commercial trading posts in frontier zones. After the scenario only got worse, and the topos of the threat of European competitors gained a much larger dimension in Luso-Spanish documentation.

These competitors in the war for the dominion of Atlantic commerce are principally indentified as: For the Hispano-Luso authorities all these categories had their specific level of danger in accordance with certain international circumstances. In the last decades of the sixteenth century the English and the French threats were much more talked about, from the first two decades onwards of the seventeenth century the great danger to be extirpated was the Dutch presence.

Vitorino Godinho has already stated that the Hispano-Luso military culture, especially the Portuguese in the seventeenth century, always cultivated a certain fear in relation to 'piracy. In the Spanish ambassador in France, D. This Portuguese captain had great fame as a specialist in indigenous languages and an expert in navigation along the northern coast of Portuguese America. Carried by the currents which led in the direction of the Caribbean, the voyage ended in August in the city of Santo Domingos.

Martim Soares presented himself to the local authorities as a navigator under the order of the king. Before we deal with the Hispano-Luso projects, it is worth summarizing the activities of the principal non-Iberian groups in these lands. Caboto alerted the sovereign about an Anglo-French project to tack part of the Amazon River, organized by the Duke of Northumberland and the French diplomat Sieur de Boisdauphin.

At the end of the sixteenth century English interest in the region was also stimulated by the voyage of Sir Walter Raleigh to the Orinoco River in In his account called The Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtifull Empyre of GuianaRaleigh not only recognized the immense navigation capacity of rivers in the region, but also increased expectations about the existence of the legendary riches of the golden city of Manoa. Raleigh's work was well received, with a second edition being published in It would not be long before other English followed his example, such as John Ley who reached the Lower Amazon ingoing as far as the Xingu River.

Aroundwe can find the Englishman William Davies sailing around these lands in the service of the Duke of Tuscanny, Fernando Icarrying out the first Anglo-Italian voyage in the history of the Luso-Brazilian Amazon. In another expedition left London captained by Sir Thomas Roe, whose objective was once again to confirm the existence of the golden land of Manoa. Raleigh helped to finance this last expedition which counted on a ton ship and sailors and managed to sail more than km along the Amazon.

In Captain Roger North, with a reduced number of English and Irish, tried to build a fort in the Amazon Basin to sell cinnamon and tobacco among other native products. In the same period reports also circulated about a young Irishman called Bernard O'Brien who had come to the region in the company of Captain Roger North.

O'Brien had gone 65 km further up the Amazon, making friends with the Aruak speaking Indians and later acting independently from North.

O Tráfico de Escravos

O'Brien may have reached the Trombetas River and then Suriname. And there were reasons for this, since unlike the English, the 'Dutch rebels' were better organized, as well as having a greater naval and bellic structure and more specific projects for the Southern Atlantic.

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Nevertheless, it seemed clear that the central objective of English and Irish in the region was more inclined to the organization of small trading posts, with relatively limited intentions. The Dutch case was different in many ways. Despite the truce, in place sincebetween the new 'republic' and the Kingdom of Spain, during the first half of the seventeenth century the so called Confederates of Utrecht created a very aggressive policy in relation to Hispano-Luso overseas dominions.

In the Atlantic the attacks became ever more clear and organized, especially after the foundation inof the West-Indische Compagnie WIC. To worsen the general scenario, from onwards the Dutch Republics gained control over a considerable part of Asian commercial routes. The first reliable information about the Dutch in the Brazilian Amazon dates from the second half of the sixteenth century.