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Originariamente quattro, tali referenti durante la crisi di governo del maggio si riducono quantomeno a due, socialisti e liberali giolittiani mentre i cattolici assunsero posizioni diverse e ambigue ; infine a uno i socialisti quando la crisi rientra, Salandra si presenta alla Camera e vengono votati i crediti di guerra 20 maggio.

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  • Italia nella prima guerra mondiale

Ma in questi dieci mesi fu la politica a farla da padrone, chiamando in causa il popolo e la nazione nel richiamo al patriottismo, e forzando o surrogando le istituzioni. Seppur maggiori in termini numerici agli interventisti, i neutralisti non avevano dalla loro parte gli organi e le istituzioni politiche che potevano smuovere le masse.

L'urgenza politica fece dei giornali un'arma per indirizzare le masse: Un'altra forma di mobilitazione politica fu il dibattito pubblicistico, dove l'agitazione verbale della carta stampata si sposta sulle piazze, nei teatri e nelle sale di conferenza.

In questo campo d'azione le tre correnti neutraliste - socialisti, cattolici e liberal giolittiani - mancavano di progetti comuni e punti d'incontro, mentre il fronte interventista agisce fin da subito come un blocco unificato, emarginando progressivamente i neutralisti i quali si ritirano dal campo prima ancora di tentare di agire in modo unificato [18]. Giolitti arretra e rinuncia a fare appello alla "sua" piazza, che del resto, tace, mentre Salandra, associato volente o nolente alla piazza del popolo patriottico, prevale.

Ma il cambiamento di rotta di Mussolini non rimase una scelta personale, venne anzi condivisa dalla sezione milanese del partito, e venne utilizzata dal mondo politico per puntare il dito contro le divisioni interne ai neutralisti.

Queste prese di posizione dei socialisti a favore della guerra, non erano, per la maggior parte conversioni improvvise.